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Breaking News: Carlton Palms License Revoked and the Gingerbread House is Sold!

Try as I might to create a linear memorial, a legacy for those who lost their lives and their battered and abused peers in Bellweather's care, I am always one step behind.  From Au Clair to Advoserv to Bellweather, there is one clear and definitive lesson to be learned - longitudinal data on mass-institutionalization of children and adults with severe disabilities will always result in failure.

Yesterday, Bellweather lost its license for Carlton Palms, the former-Mazik-owned company. In 2015, its sister facility in Delaware was closed to Delaware-admissions. 

In November, Claire's Gingerbread House, the place where it all began nearly fifty years ago was auctioned off.  The new owner is an heir of the DiSabatino Construction company, a long-running builder in Delaware. Neighbors tell me Bellweather is still there serving children. The assumption is that the company is leasing its former home from DiSabatino.

Now, the news every Floridian is talking about: Yesterday, Carlton Palms Education Center, owned and operated by Bellweather, lost its license.  Not lost it like my eleven year old losses everything he touches, rather they felt the bitter sting of REVOCATION!  The State of Florida had already taken action to end the Bellweather monopoly after years of documented abuse. Carlton Palms was under a state-issued order to move their clients to more appropriate community residences. Thus far, it's been reported in various published sources that Bellweather had removed approx. 50 clients.

How will the Revocation impact Bellweather? It's all hypothetical from here on out. While we all have the urge to stand a little taller today, I caution anyone who believes this story is over. It's my experience that we will be humbled again and again.


Nina Bernstein, Fortune Teller, Truth is Stranger than Fiction.

When the welfare reform bill became law in 1997, Carlton Palms was nearly ten years old. It had opened under the premise it would serve 20 to 30 students, as reported at the time by the Lake Sentinel. By 1990, Carlton Palms was serving 48 clients from 28 states.  In 1997, the company, rechristened Advoserv, cared for 120 children and adults in Delaware, New Jersey, and Florida. At its height in 2015, Advoserv would house more than 700 severely disabled children and adults. 

It's important to note that the remainder of this post will rely heavily on the excellent reporting of Heather Vogell of Propublica.

Advoserv rolled out their lobby firing off emails to state officials promising attractive changes. However, Vicky Kelly, director of the agency's family services division in 2012 found no evidence of the claimed improvements. 

The issue of restraints was a tough one. The state psychiatric center for adults was reducing use of restraints per federal insistence. Yet, Advoserv was deeply committed to the practice. Sending the state's own children to Advoserv placed Delaware officials in a precarious position - prohibiting restraint for adults while permitting the practice for youth with serious disabilities.


Delaware's legislators were struck by the dichotomy. The legislature introduced a bill to end the use of mechanical restraints on public school children and limit holds to bare hands. 

It was a stunning blow to Adovserv as Delaware public schools sent more children to them than any other state child welfare agency. Each student, 30 receiving services of which 20 were residential, resulted in six-figure bills. Vogell found that in one instance Advoserv was receiving a combined payment of $383,000 per year for just one student.


Advoserv reacted to the legislation in the form former state Rep. Bob Byrd who lobbied his former colleagues for a loophole in the restraint legislation. Byrd's firm reps him as "a Jedi Master of government arts with a long practice as the legislator he once was and the lobbyist he is. When the confusion, the divide and the intricacies are at their worst, if anyone can be counted upon to pick his way through, it is Bob." (No, I can't make this stuff up.) Surpisingly, Advoserv does not make the firm's list for prized clients. 

Advoserv wanted a provisional waiver permitting mechanical restraint if the facility deemed there was a need for "particularly challenging resident."  The company relied on Byrd to make that happen. According to Vogell, Byrd told state school officials and the director of the state's Developmental Disability Council "that the because of Advoserv's intervention, the bill would go nowhere without the waiver provision."

Byrd was correct. In June 2013, the bill passed with the waiver provision included. 

Buoyed by Byrd's success, Advoserv pivoted to another front that threatened their bottom line - a decrease in Delaware students being referred by the Delaware Department of Education and the state's ICT - Interagency Collaborative Team - a panel of representatives of several administrative agencies that determines if a student meets eligibility guidelines for private education at the state's expense.  

It was a full court press:
"One of my clients represents Advoserv," former Delaware Controller General Russell Larson wrote in an email to top education leaders in August 2013. "I would love to meet with you to find out if there's anything I can tell my client to help them improve their service." - Vogell
Vogell would access additional emails that revealed how Advoserv pressured then-Gov. Jack Markell to intercede on their behalf. They threatened to leave the state if school referrals did not pick up. However, education officials countered that Advoserv was receiving referrals.
Amidst the email volley and despite Advoserv's lobby, it soon became apparent that all was not well in Camelot.  In the course of one year, seven abuse complaints were lodged against Advoserv. While Delaware continued to refuse to send foster children to the company, they put Advoserv on probation and threatened to revoke their license. The move compelled officials at the facility to make improvements that would shore up their standing in Delaware. 
In August 2014, Advoserv was approved by the Department of Education to receive students via ICT (not foster) for an additional three years. In May 2015, foster care licensing officials removed Advoserv from probation although they continued to refuse to refer children to the facility. 
In 2015 Bellweather would acquire Advoserv. In 2016, Janaia Barnhart would die in a Bellweather group home. The Delaware Department of Education responded by ordering all sending districts to re-locate their students and increase visits to weekly until each Delaware student was resettled. 
Bellweather would continue to advertise from 2016 through 2017 that it offered an education program approved by the Delaware Department of Education. The department responded to an email from this writer that the advertisement was untrue. Bellweather had lost its approval with Janaia's mysterious death. However, the following promo piece was still posted on Bellweather's website, https://www.bellbh.com/ as of Jan. 1, 2018. It has only recently been removed.


Yes, Nina Bernstein had been correct when she opined that: 


  • A push for profit could compromise the care of the children within the facility
  • Chronic weakness in state regulations could be manipulated by profit-seeking entities lobbying for loopholes and influence
  • Revelation that one person essentially and "quietly engineered...without scrutiny" a massive shift of national policy 


What's next? How the same scenario played out in Mount Dora, Florida. 


Against the Tide

Ken and Clair Mazik opened Au Clair during the national crisis that led to the de-institutionalization of thousands of mentally ill or developmentally impaired children and adults. How they bucked the trend has much to do with a for-profit lobby that both gained influence over legislators and quietly orchestrated a massive national policy change.

On May 4, 1997, the New York Times ran this headline "Deletion of Word in Welfare Bill Opens Foster Care to Big Business," written by Nina Bernstein. Bernstein alleged that Mazik played an integral role in opening a new funding stream, a legal way to dip into another government-funded bucket previously reserved for non-profit programs serving foster children. At the time, this was the holy grail of care reimbursements. Due diligence would have served our legislators well.


"...a closer look at Au Clair reveals a deeply troubled history, and a closer look at the little-noticed change engineered by its founder, Kenneth M. Mazik, shows that it sharply alters Government policy on care for the poorest children.

The change opened the way for for-profit orphanages to compete for the billions of dollars that the government spends each year to support poor children who are taken away from homes judged unfit. It comes at a time when many experts predict that welfare changes will push thousands of children from their homes and into the care of the state. 
Historically, only foster families or nonprofit institutions, mostly charity-based, were eligible for this money. It is now the last unlimited pool available for poor children. - Nina Bernstein

In 1992, Mazik had an awakening of sorts. A team of investigators from New York arrived at the Gingerbread House to inspect the school and residences. The investigators found "deplorable conditions and maltreatment of children at Au Clair." (Bernstein) New York responded by removing all of their students from the Mazik's care. 

Just two years later, in 1994, the City of Philadelphia informed Mazik and Au Clair that it could terminate its $3.7 million contract for the 31 children in Au Clair's care if the facility did not become non-profit. Mazik wasn't interested in changing his school to comport with Philadelphia's request. True to form, he pushed back and sent his Vice President Brian Murphy to Washington D.C. where Murphy lobbied for two years for a change in regulations that he termed an "uncontroversial matter of equity." Murphy is credited with the deletion of one word, "non-profit" in a lengthy 400 page reauthorization of the welfare bill.

Welfare reform was a hot topic in 1997 with former President Clinton vetoing the first two versions that made their way to his desk. The third version was a compromise that protected the federal foster care entitlements. A consensus of politicians agreed to leave the existing support in place and carry the current language into the new reform bill.  However, one legislator went astray. According to Murphy, he convinced Senator John B. Breaux, a Louisiana Democrat with a seat on the finance committee to delete that one little word, "non-profit," from the bill. (Bernstein) 

The Change went fairly unnoticed by the legislature that approved the welfare reform bill. Nor did it catch the eye of President Clinton who finally signed the bi-partisan legislation into law.

It all appeared innocuous, institutions like the ones Mazik ran had always been able to claim other federal funds for the children and adults for whom they cared. Their lobbyists called this change a levelling the playing field between non-profits and for-profits. But, the federal foster funds were the honey pot for for-profits. At the time, Mark E. Courtney, a University of Wisconsin scholar at the Institute for Research on Poverty opined that that public agencies did not "have their act together well enough to hand over a huge chunk of money to people who have an incentive to maximize profits at the expense of the children" in their care (Bernstein.)

Bernstein's assessment of a profit-driven welfare system  was based on Au Clair's record of care:


Over the years, Mr. Mazik has been accused of mistreating children in his care and of evading meaningful government oversight, even as his company expanded to care for 130 disturbed children from 24 states -- at sites in Bear and Middleton, Del., and Mount Dora, Fla. -- at yearly rates of more than $140,000 for each child. - Bernstein

Bernstein drew crucial and critical conclusions from that deletion of one little word:



  • A push for profit could compromise the care of the children within the facility
  • Chronic weakness in state regulations could be manipulated by profit-seeking entities lobbying for loopholes and influence
  • Revelation that one person essentially and "quietly engineered...without scrutiny" a massive shift of national policy 

Her worst predictions would proved true...
 

Mass Impact

How does an institution become an instrument of death? It's a hard question to ask and an even harder one to answer. It's a phenomenon not just applied to Au Clair/Advoserv/Bellweater, nor to Delaware or Florida. The World Health Organization, WHO, provides that
Every year, there are an estimated 41 000 homicide deaths in children under 15 years of age. This number underestimates the true extent of the problem, as a significant proportion of deaths due to child maltreatment are incorrectly attributed to falls, burns, drowning and other causes
There is no one discernable agency that collects data on the deaths of children and adults receiving in-patient mental health and developmental care.  Private facilities often reject Freedom of Information Act requests for this data. Collectively, our society has since its onset devalued human life when that life was that of  someone physically, neurologically, or behaviorally impaired.  We keep records of touchdowns and Super Bowls, but not of how children and adults die when secreted in private profit or non-profit facilities.

These failures make it very difficult to ascertain when the perfect storm is brewing. Lawsuits that end in settlements further skew the statistics. Money is the law's way of saying "I'm sorry." However, that apology doesn't come with a statistic.  It obliterates it. Most settlements don't require a party to admit fault. Settlements actually make it more difficult to chase the ghosts.

Chasing ghosts. I've been chasing ghosts for more than a year, collecting the footprints left by Au Clair/Advoserv/Carlton Palms/Bellweather in newspapers across the country. I've read more than 4000 want ads, tracked Advoserv to a fleeting effort to influence disability care in Iowa, delved into harness racing and how lightening really does strike twice, learned much more about the Spanish armada than I will ever need to know, delved into real estate holdings, investigated nearly 40 business entities to discern their function and met many fascinating individuals whose contributions and leads are priceless. Most striking, however, are the tortured stories of children abused and/or killed in the care of their institutions. They are the most devastating. They are the reason we are all here, we ache to tell their stories. We hear them in the silence. We hear them in the Echo.

Although there are many sidebars yet to be written, many flings and forays to explore in the journey of Au Clair/Advoserv/Carlton Palms/Bellweather; it is evident that now is the time to pivot and delve into the phenomenon that allowed Mazik to institutionalize children and adults during a time of national de-institutionalism. It is only through documenting the past that we can hope to never repeat it. It's time to acknowledge those who paid the highest price for society's ready response to house away those complex special need individuals whose lives were assigned less value by society majority simply because they were not born "typical" - but instead came into this unwelcoming world with innate needs that required specialized care to reach their full potential.

The question at hand is how did Ken Mazik build an empire?


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To Bellweather With Love, Echo


Happy World Autism Day!